The Solidarity movement, officially known as the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarity” (NSZZ “Solidarność”), represents one of the most pivotal forces in the late 20th century, not merely for Poland but for the entire geopolitical landscape of the Cold War. Its origin is deeply rooted in the complex socio-economic and political conditions of post-World War II communist Poland, where decades of systemic failures, suppression of civil liberties, and popular discontent converged into a powerful wave of organized resistance. It emerged not as a sudden eruption, but as the culmination of a long history of workers’ protests, intellectual dissent, and the unwavering moral authority of the Catholic Church.

Solidarity’s unprecedented success lay in its ability to transcend the traditional role of a trade union, evolving into a broad-based social movement that united disparate segments of Polish society against the authoritarian communist regime. Its very existence, as an independent entity in a Soviet-dominated state, was a revolutionary act that fundamentally challenged the Leninist principle of the Communist Party’s undisputed leading role. The movement’s origins encapsulate the resilience of a nation yearning for sovereignty, dignity, and freedom, ultimately paving the way for the peaceful dismantling of communism in Poland and serving as a powerful catalyst for similar transformations across Eastern Europe.

Pre-Solidarity Context: Seeds of Discontent

The seeds of the Solidarity movement were sown in the fertile ground of chronic economic hardship, political repression, and a deep-seated national identity that resisted Soviet domination following World War II. After the war, Poland found itself firmly within the Soviet sphere of influence, governed by the Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR), a communist regime imposed by Moscow. Despite promises of a workers’ paradise, central planning led to pervasive inefficiencies, chronic shortages of basic goods, and a steadily declining standard of living for the majority of the population. The regime’s legitimacy was further undermined by its subservience to the Soviet Union, a historical adversary, and its suppression of civil liberties, including freedom of speech, assembly, and religion.

The 1970s, under the leadership of Edward Gierek, saw a brief period of economic optimism fueled by massive Western loans intended to modernize Polish industry. However, this strategy ultimately backfired. Mismanagement, the global oil crisis, and an inability to convert investment into consumer goods led to an unmanageable foreign debt and an even deeper economic crisis by the late 1970s. The regime’s attempts to address the debt, primarily through austerity measures and significant price increases on food and other necessities, directly impacted the working class, leading to widespread frustration and simmering resentment.

Crucially, the path to Solidarity was paved by a series of earlier, brutally suppressed workers’ protests that built a collective memory of resistance and revealed the regime’s brutality. The Poznań protests of 1956, triggered by economic grievances and political demands, were violently crushed, though they did lead to a brief “Polish October” and the ascension of Władysław Gomułka. The student protests of March 1968, ignited by intellectual dissent and opposition to censorship, also met with repression and an antisemitic campaign. Most significantly, the December 1970 protests in Gdańsk, Gdynia, and Szczecin, sparked by sudden price increases, resulted in dozens of deaths when security forces fired on striking workers. These events, particularly 1970, left an indelible mark on the consciousness of Polish workers, teaching them bitter lessons about the regime’s willingness to use force and the inadequacy of official trade unions, which were merely extensions of the Party.

Another wave of protests erupted in June 1976 when the government again attempted to raise food prices. Though quickly suppressed, particularly in Radom and Ursus, these events proved to be a turning point. Unlike previous instances, the repression that followed—arrests, brutal interrogations, dismissals—galvanized a nascent intellectual opposition. This led to the formation of the Workers’ Defense Committee (KOR, Komitet Obrony Robotników) in September 1976. KOR was a groundbreaking initiative, bringing together intellectuals, writers, and dissidents to provide financial, legal, and medical aid to persecuted workers and their families. It was instrumental in bridging the historical divide between the intelligentsia and the working class, fostering a crucial alliance. KOR later expanded into the Committee for Social Self-Defense “KOR” (KSS “KOR”), broadening its scope to advocate for human rights and political reform. Through its underground publications (samizdat), KOR exposed regime abuses, disseminated uncensored information, and helped to create a network of activists, laying vital groundwork for future organized resistance.

Parallel to KOR, small groups of independent trade union activists began to emerge, particularly in the coastal cities that had witnessed the 1970 bloodshed. Individuals like Bogdan Borusewicz, Lech Wałęsa, Anna Walentynowicz, and Andrzej Gwiazda, many of whom had participated in earlier strikes, started to organize underground “Free Trade Unions” (Wolne Związki Zawodowe, WZZ). These groups aimed to create authentic workers’ representation outside the official Party-controlled structures. They published underground newspapers like Robotnik (The Worker), highlighting workers’ rights and challenging the official narrative. These activists, often under surveillance and facing harassment, maintained direct contact with the workers, understanding their grievances and building trust.

The moral and spiritual backbone of the Polish nation during this period was undoubtedly the Catholic Church. Under the leadership of figures like Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński and later Cardinal Józef Glemp, the Church remained a powerful bastion of national identity and a voice for human dignity against the atheist communist regime. Its churches provided spaces for gathering and discussion that were otherwise denied, and its clergy often acted as mediators or protectors. The election of Karol Wojtyła, Archbishop of Krakow, as Pope John Paul II in October 1978 was an event of immense significance. His triumphant visit to Poland in June 1979 was a watershed moment. Millions turned out to greet him, demonstrating the profound unity and strength of Polish society outside Party control. His message, particularly “Do not be afraid!” and his emphasis on human dignity and rights, resonated deeply. It was a clear demonstration to both the Polish people and the regime that the nation was not cowed, and that there was a powerful alternative authority to the Communist Party. The Pope’s visit significantly boosted morale, dispelled fear, and fostered a sense of collective empowerment, serving as a direct inspiration for the events that would unfold a year later.

The Spark: The August 1980 Strikes

The immediate catalyst for the widespread strikes of August 1980 was a series of government-imposed price increases on meat, announced on July 1st. Though presented as modest, these increases followed years of economic stagnation and eroded living standards, quickly igniting protests across the country. Initial, localized strikes erupted in various factories. However, the critical turning point occurred in the coastal city of Gdańsk, at the Lenin Shipyard, a historic hotbed of dissent.

On August 14, 1980, workers at the Lenin Shipyard launched a strike in protest against the dismissal of Anna Walentynowicz, a crane operator and veteran activist of the Free Trade Unions, just five months before her retirement. Her dismissal, alongside that of Lech Wałęsa earlier in the year, was a blatant act of repression against independent union activism. The strike, initially focused on her reinstatement and a pay raise, quickly escalated. Wałęsa himself, despite being unemployed and under surveillance, managed to climb over the shipyard wall and join the strikers, immediately assuming a leadership role due to his charisma and past experience.

What distinguished the August 1980 strikes from previous protests was their rapid spread and unprecedented organizational structure. As the strike at the Lenin Shipyard gained momentum, workers from neighboring factories and enterprises in Gdańsk and then other coastal cities, including Szczecin and Elbląg, joined in solidarity. Learning from the failures of past fragmented protests, the striking workers, under the guidance of veteran activists and intellectuals from KOR, understood the vital need for unity. On August 16, the Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee (Międzyzakładowy Komitet Strajkowy, MKS) was formed at the Lenin Shipyard, with Lech Wałęsa elected as its chairman. This organizational innovation was revolutionary: it brought together representatives from various striking factories, transforming isolated protests into a unified, coordinated movement capable of presenting collective demands.

The MKS formulated a list of 21 demands, meticulously written down and posted on the shipyard gates. These demands went far beyond mere economic grievances; they constituted a direct challenge to the fundamental principles of communist rule. While economic demands like wage increases, improved working conditions, and family benefits were present, the political demands were groundbreaking and utterly revolutionary for a communist state. The first and foremost demand was the right to establish independent trade unions, free from Party and state control, along with the right to strike. Other crucial demands included:

  1. The right to strike and the security of strikers.
  2. Release of all political prisoners, including members of KOR and Free Trade Unions.
  3. Freedom of speech, press, and publication, and access to state media for all faiths.
  4. Reinstatement of those dismissed from work after the 1970 and 1976 protests.
  5. Publication of information about the country’s economic situation.
  6. Abolition of privileges for the Party apparatus and security services.

The breadth and audacity of these demands, particularly the call for independent unions and political freedoms, shocked the communist authorities. They recognized that granting these concessions would undermine the very foundation of their power. However, the scale of the strike, which paralyzed key industrial regions, the unwavering determination of the workers, and increasing international attention (with Western media reporting live from the shipyard) put immense pressure on the government. The regime also faced the delicate situation of Soviet reaction; a violent crackdown risked provoking a similar response from Moscow, as seen in Hungary 1956 and Czechoslovakia 1968, but capitulation also risked Soviet ire.

Negotiations and the Gdańsk Agreement

Facing an unprecedented social uprising, the Polish government, led by First Secretary Stanisław Kania (who replaced Gierek during the crisis), reluctantly entered into negotiations with the MKS. The talks took place at the Lenin Shipyard, with Deputy Prime Minister Mieczysław Jagielski heading the government delegation. The negotiations were tense and protracted, lasting for several days, marked by moments of deadlock and intense debate. Intellectuals from KOR and other dissident groups, such as Tadeusz Mazowiecki and Bronisław Geremek, played a crucial advisory role to the MKS, helping to refine the demands and strategize negotiation tactics. Their presence underscored the intellectual-worker alliance that characterized the movement.

Finally, on August 31, 1980, the historic Gdańsk Agreement was signed. This agreement, broadcast live on national radio, was a monumental triumph for the striking workers and a profound concession by the communist state. The government agreed to virtually all of the 21 demands, including the most revolutionary ones. Key provisions of the Gdańsk Agreement included:

  • The right of workers to establish independent, self-governing trade unions.
  • The right to strike, with legal protections for strikers.
  • Increased wages and benefits.
  • Reinstatement of workers dismissed after the 1970 and 1976 protests.
  • Limited relaxation of censorship and greater access to media for religious broadcasts.
  • Release of political prisoners.
  • Publication of the agreement itself in the national media.

The signing of the Gdańsk Agreement marked an extraordinary moment in the history of communist Eastern Europe. Never before had a communist government formally conceded the right to independent organization outside Party control. It was a de facto acknowledgment that the Party no longer held a monopoly on power or representation of the working class. Similar agreements were subsequently signed in Szczecin and Jastrzębie, further solidifying the gains made in Gdańsk.

Birth and Growth of NSZZ "Solidarność"

Following the signing of the Gdańsk Agreement, the process of formalizing the independent trade union began. On September 17, 1980, representatives from various inter-enterprise strike committees across Poland met in Gdańsk and decided to unite into a single, national organization: the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarity” (Niezależny Samorządny Związek Zawodowy “Solidarność”). Lech Wałęsa was elected its chairman. The union officially registered on November 10, 1980, after initial delays and attempts by the authorities to impose restrictive clauses on its statutes.

Solidarity’s growth was explosive and unprecedented. Within months of its formation, its membership soared to an astonishing 9-10 million people, representing roughly one-third of Poland’s total population and an overwhelming majority of the country’s workforce. Its members came from virtually every sector of society: industrial workers, teachers, doctors, farmers (who formed their own branch, Rural Solidarity), students, and intellectuals. This broad social base was a testament to the universal grievances against the communist system and Solidarity’s appeal as a beacon of hope for genuine change. It was not merely a trade union; it became a genuine mass social movement, a “nation within a nation,” challenging the Party’s authority in every sphere of life.

The structure of Solidarity was decentralized yet coordinated. At the national level, the National Coordinating Commission (KKP), later the National Commission (Krajowa Komisja), provided overall leadership, with Lech Wałęsa at its head. Below this, there were regional branches (e.g., Gdańsk, Warsaw, Silesia) and then factory-level commissions. This structure allowed for both unified action and responsiveness to local needs. Solidarity published its own uncensored newspapers and journals, organized educational initiatives (echoing the “Flying University” concept), and even established its own research and advisory centers, providing a parallel infrastructure to the state’s.

The period between August 1980 and December 1981 was a time of immense tension and constant struggle. Solidarity used its immense social power to push for further reforms, including greater accountability from the government, improved economic management, and an end to Party privileges. The government, perpetually under pressure from Moscow, attempted to regain control through various tactics: provoking mini-crises, sowing division within Solidarity, and using economic leverage. A significant confrontation occurred in March 1981, known as the Bydgoszcz provocation, where police brutally assaulted Solidarity activists. This led to a nationwide warning strike, demonstrating Solidarity’s organizational power and the regime’s increasing desperation.

However, Solidarity also faced internal challenges. Its rapid growth meant it encompassed diverse viewpoints, ranging from pragmatic moderates who sought gradual reform to radical factions pushing for more confrontational tactics and quicker political change. This internal diversity, while a source of strength, also made the union vulnerable to government attempts at destabilization. Moreover, the economic situation in Poland continued to deteriorate, leading to widespread disillusionment and further strikes, which the government blamed on Solidarity, accusing it of undermining the economy.

Throughout this period, the Soviet Union watched events in Poland with growing alarm. Soviet leaders viewed Solidarity as an existential threat to the entire Eastern Bloc, fearing that Poland’s defection from the Soviet orbit could trigger a domino effect. They exerted immense political and military pressure on the Polish leadership, conducting large-scale military exercises (like Zapad-81) near Poland’s borders, and threatening direct intervention if the Polish authorities failed to suppress the “counter-revolution.”

Martial Law and Underground Resistance

Ultimately, the Polish communist regime, under General Wojciech Jaruzelski, decided to crush Solidarity by force. On December 13, 1981, Jaruzelski declared martial law throughout Poland. Thousands of Solidarity activists, including Lech Wałęsa and other prominent leaders, were arrested and interned. The union’s activities were suspended, public gatherings banned, a curfew imposed, and communications disrupted. Military units were deployed to enforce order, and many industrial plants that resisted were pacified by force, often with bloodshed, most notably at the Wujek coal mine in Silesia.

Jaruzelski justified his decision by claiming it was necessary to prevent civil war and, more significantly, to preempt an inevitable Soviet invasion. While historical debate continues on the imminence of Soviet intervention, it is clear that fear of a repeat of 1968 in Czechoslovakia heavily influenced the Polish leadership’s actions. Martial law effectively dismantled Solidarity’s legal existence and its public structures.

However, martial law did not extinguish the spirit of Solidarity. Though forced underground, the movement continued to exist in various forms. Activists organized clandestine printing presses, distributed underground newspapers and leaflets, and maintained networks of support. The Catholic Church again played a crucial role, providing sanctuary, humanitarian aid, and a platform for dissent, becoming a de facto alternative center of national life. The memory of Solidarity and its ideals persisted, kept alive by these underground activities and the unwavering commitment of its members.

The declaration of martial law profoundly impacted Poland, plunging the country into a period of severe repression and economic stagnation. Yet, paradoxically, it also solidified Solidarity’s moral authority and its place in the national consciousness. The movement’s origins in workers’ legitimate grievances, its fight for fundamental rights, and its non-violent approach had earned it immense domestic and international sympathy. This enduring legacy would prove crucial in the years to come, as the communist regime, weakened by internal failures and external pressures, eventually found itself unable to sustain its authoritarian grip.

The eventual resurgence of Solidarity, leading to the Round Table Talks in 1989 and the subsequent semi-free elections that year, directly stemmed from the powerful foundations laid during its initial period of existence. The movement’s origin as a truly independent, mass-based organization, born from the confluence of economic despair, intellectual courage, and spiritual resilience, ultimately proved irreversible, paving the way for Poland’s transition to democracy and inspiring the broader collapse of communism across Eastern Europe.

The Solidarity movement’s origins in Poland represent a confluence of deep-seated national grievances, a failed communist economic system, and the emergence of courageous dissenting voices from both the working class and the intelligentsia, profoundly buttressed by the moral authority of the Catholic Church. It was born from decades of suppressed protests, learning from past failures to forge an unprecedented alliance between workers and intellectuals, culminating in the spontaneous yet highly organized strikes of August 1980. The strategic genius of forming the Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee and articulating comprehensive political demands, particularly for independent trade unions, transformed localized economic protests into a national movement for fundamental rights and self-determination.

The signing of the Gdańsk Agreement was not merely a tactical retreat by a besieged communist regime but a revolutionary concession that legally enshrined the existence of an independent social force. This gave birth to NSZZ “Solidarność,” a phenomenon unparalleled in the Eastern Bloc, which swiftly united nearly 10 million Poles under its banner. While its legal existence was brutally cut short by the imposition of martial law in December 1981, Solidarity’s spirit endured underground, becoming a powerful symbol of resistance and a beacon of hope for democratic change. Its unique origin story—as a bottom-up, non-violent movement that successfully challenged the very essence of communist totalitarianism—provided the moral and organizational framework for Poland’s eventual peaceful transition to democracy, effectively initiating the domino effect that led to the collapse of the Iron Curtain across Eastern Europe.